The Nura Deliba Party – Wants to Free Yigal Amir
Just before the deadline for entering Israel’s election race, it appears that a new party if it is not banned by the legal establishment called Nura Deliba is running on the platform of trying to free Yigal Amir.
Update #2 In the official government web site that reports about election issues at https://bechirot22.bechirot.gov.il/election/Candidates/Pages/default.aspx I do not see Nura Deliba among the parties that passed the first round of getting officially registered for the elections before the deadline. Perhaps the legal establishment knocked them out from running or perhaps there is another explanation.
Given a renewed interest on the topic of Yigal Amir, vilnagaon.org is republishing a previous blog post
The Smear Campaign Against the Right on the Rabin Assassination and the Mass Killing at Deir Yassin originally posted at
The Smear Campaign Against the Right on the Rabin Assassination and the Mass Killing at Deir Yassin
Recently the Rabin assassination made it back into the news because Netanyahu’s main opponent in the upcoming Israeli election Benny Gantz accused Netanyahu of playing a role in the Rabin Assassination.
Here’s a quote from: https://www.timesofisrael.com/gantz-accuses-netanyahu-of-role-in-incitement-ahead-of-rabin-murder/
Blue and White leader Benny Gantz accused Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of being involved in incitement that led to the 1995 assassination of leader Yitzhak Rabin and hinted at worries for his own safety Saturday night.
Gantz, Netanyahu’s chief rival in upcoming Knesset elections, has begun appearing in public with bodyguards following instances of online threats.
Asked by Channel 12 news about a reported recording in which he tells associates that Netanyahu could want to have him killed, he referenced heated rhetoric that has been blamed for the assassination of Rabin outside a Tel Aviv rally.
My counterclaim to Benny Gantz is that the left lies about the Rabin Assassination in order to try to get more political power at the expense of the right.
But first a bit of history about the myth of the Deir Yassin massacre in order to show that smear campaigns has been a political tool used by the Israel left for decades.
What was the Smear of Deir Yassin?
Book Review: The Myth of the Deir Yassin Massacre
Dr. Uri Milstein, one of Israel’s most pre-eminent historians, has published a book that appears in English, “The Birth of a Palestinian Nation – The Myth of the Deir Yassin Massacre” by Gefen Publishers, which marshals the facts to prove that there was no massacre in Deir Yassin after all.
The Arab village of Deir Yassin no longer exists, but in 1948, during Israel’s War of Independence, Deir Yassin was situated on the western edge of Jerusalem near the Givat Shaul neighborhood.
Although according to what became the accepted version, Deir Yassin was a peaceful Arab village, Dr. Milstein explains that this was really not so. Among other things Arab attacks against Jewish transportation in western Jerusalem emanated from Deir Yassin in 1948 and it was therefore necessary to take measures to take over the village.
The Jewish effort against Deir Yassin originated as a joint plan of the two underground groups, that existed before the declaration of the Jewish state,, Irgun and LEHI, also known as Revisionists, The scheduled date was 9 April 1948.
Milstein shows that Jerusalem’s Hagana commander David Shaltiel was informed of the operation and gave his approval. The Hagana also cooperated with Irgun and LEHI in planning the operation. The Palmach also actively participated in the fighting at one stage.
The joint Irgun-LEHI operation at Deir Yassin began at 4:30 AM on 9 April 1948. The Jewish fighters met serious resistance.
Yehoshua Zeitler, one of the fighters, wrote: “From every house and from every window gunfire was directed against us, and we threw grenades. The inhabitants had Sten guns rifles and pistols. Our men stormed forward from house to house while throwing inside explosive devices. We thought either them or us. For us it was a question of life, if he will live, I will die…”
The fighting in Deir Yassin did not conclude until the next day 10 April 1948. One of the outcomes of the battle was the transport of around 700 village residents to neighboring villages.
How Many Were Killed?
Eyewitness claims of the number of Arab casualties in Deir Yassin following the difficult battle were not high, and most were the Arab fighters disguised as residents – some even disguised as women.
But, strangely, there was a simultaneous Jewish effort to cite a larger number. This, the author shows, emanated from both public relations and political motives.
Mordechai Raanan, the Irgun commander in Jerusalem said: “On that day I did not know, and I could not know how many Arabs were killed. No one had counted the corpses. People estimated that a hundred or 150 people were killed I told the journalists that 254 were killed so that they would publish a large number, and so that the Arabs would be shocked not only in the area of Jerusalem but all over the country, and this objective was achieved…”
Amos Kenan, a former LEHI commander who fought at Deir Yassin, said in a 1996 interview: “My comrades told me the matter of a massacre is a complete lie. There was no massacre. There was a lack of organization…
Shimon Monita, a Hagana agent, relates: “After Deir Yassin I returned to the Palmach and took part in attacks on Arab villages. Most of the inhabitants fled before we arrived, and the villages were captured without fighting or after a short battle. Not only peasants fled from their homes but also urban Arabs from Jerusalem and also from other areas. In that same month the Hagana took control over Haifa. The Intelligence Service reported that the fear of a fate similar to that of the inhabitants of Deir Yassin was one of the factors in breaking the Arab inhabitants of Haifa and causing them to flee.”
Yisrael Bar, a senior Hagana commander wrote: “In the short term, Deir Yassin brought advantages and contributed to the flight of masses of Arabs.”
Milstein soberly reflects: “Without the myth of Deir Yassin, it is doubtful whether the Jews would have succeeded in defeating the Arabs of Palestine by the time of the Declaration of Independence Without this defeat, it is doubtful whether the State of Israel would have succeeded in coping with the attacks of standing armies from outside and attacks of irregular armies from within.”
Milstein, however, explains the other reason for the Jewish side’s inflating the number killed, showing how the number was used cynically for political purposes by the left, which knowingly exaggerated and used the myth of the Deir Yssin “massacre” to discredit the two underground movements, Irgun and Lehi, which if was afraid would undermine its efforts to rule the new state of Israel unopposed. It managed to defame the two groups of brave underground fighters, their leaders including Irgun leader Menachem Begin, but thereby also encouraged the Arab use of the myth to villify the Zionist enterprise and seek revenge.
Monita said: “The dissidents [Revisionists] wanted to brag and scare the Arabs. The Hagana and Jewish Agency wanted to smear the dissidents and scare the Arabs. The Arabs wanted to smear the Jews. The British wanted to smear Jewish terrorists. They all latched on to a number invented by Ra’anan. We loaded 30 bodies onto the truck. That was the main group. There were about another 30; all told – about 60 bodies.”
The Last Word – and The Longterm Consequence
From Milstein’s insightful conclusions:
“This book has tried to answer the question of how the Palestinian nation was created during the sixty plus years of Israel’s existence.
“It was by means of the blood libel of Deir Yassin which the Jewish left perpetrated against the Jewish right. Five weeks before Israel proclaimed its independence, the leaders of the Yishuv and the leftist elite gave the Palestinian Arabs their seminal myth – the so-called Deir Yassin massacre, which has become the basis for and the symbol of the Nakba that overtook the Arabs of Palestine in 1948.
“In addition to being the first in a series of such actions attributed to Israel, the Deir Yassin massacre has additional importance – it was the direct cause of the flight of most of the Arabs who were living in the territories that became the State of Israel. The fact that instead of fighting, the Arabs ran away from Jaffa, Haifa and Tiberias, even before the State of Israel was established, asserting as they fled that their destiny would be that of Deir Yassin, weakens their claim that they were a nation before 1948.”
During Rabin’s Time Government Agent and Spy Avishai Raviv Was Used By the Left-Wing Rabin Government To Smear and Harm the Right
In a Hebrew article at http://www.news1.co.il/Archive/003-D-108649-00.html the article describes how government agent and spy Avishai Raviv who pretended to be a right-wing extremist during the Rabin years and during the time of the Goldstein incident took credit for the murder of an Arab in Chalchul, when it was done by someone else. This false “confession” of the extreme right was used as an excuse to smear the right and deprive them of their liberty.
Before The Rabin Assassination Took Place You Either Have to Say Head of the Shabak (The GSS) Carmi Gilon Knew About Yigal Amir or Was Blessed With Divine Inspiration
Before the Rabin assassination the author of these comments listened to a public radio program in which Carmi Gilon, the head of Israel’s GSS (secret police) known in Israel as the Shabak, as well as right-wing activist, Binyamin Kahane, son of Rabbi Meir Kahane participated. The interviewer tried to goad the young Kahane to come out in favor of assassinating Rabin, due to the tremendous rise in Terror deaths in the wake of Rabin’s Oslo Agreement with Super-Terrorist Yasir Arafat.
Binyamin refused to take the bait and did not advocate the assassination of Rabin in that interview. Carmi Gilon then made the comment on the radio show that the next would-be assassin of Rabin did not have to be an extreme right-wing settler (such as, Binyamin Kahane). The next would-be assassin could be a Yemenite College Student from Bar Ilan University, giving an exact description of Yigal Amir.
I do not believe that Carmi Gilon had “Divine Inspiration” when he gave a description of Yigal Amir. I believe he had exact information from his agent Avishai Raviv and was setting up a new smear campaign against the political right, which somehow backfired.
This is also why it was yelled out, blank bullets during the assassination attempt. This is why police ballistic tests reported Amir shot blank bullets. This is why no blood was found at the scene of the crime and Rabin was shown walking into his car on the video after the attack, which should not have been possible given the injuries he suffered. This is why Amir was allowed to get near to Rabin, even though people had already complained to the police that Amir had made death threats against Rabin.
To sum up some of the points see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yitzhak_Rabin_assassination_conspiracy_theories
Conspiracy theories have made some or all of the following claims. Others have been strident in opposing these conclusions. Police reports state that gunpowder was found on Rabin’s body and clothing, suggesting that he had been shot at point-blank range, as gunpowder travels only a few inches before dispersing. According to the official version, Amir shot from a distance at which no powder traces could have settled on Rabin’s body and clothing. Surgery reports describe a bullet wound with the bullet entrance in the chest are inconsistent with the eyewitness reports and the Kempler video, which suggests that Rabin was shot in the back while walking away from Yigal Amir. Source of this provides link to a video in Hebrew and a written, inaccurate translation to English. Both versions, however, contain no hint that there was a chest entry wound, merely that there was a wound in the chest (can equally be an exit wound). Both versions report two gunshots rather than three.
Rabin would have walked after Amir’s shots in a manner inconsistent with gunshot, an impossibility if they shattered the vertebrae. Each medical record describes wounds which are “completely different” in nature to those concluded by the official Shamgar Commission. Medical descriptions of Rabin’s condition are described as suddenly appearing to change. An anonymous physician who consulted Barry Chamish opined that “[t]he first two wounds, to the chest and abdomen occurred before Rabin’s arrival. The third, frontal chest wound, had to have been inflicted after he entered the hospital,” and that “it is inconceivable that Rabin had no spinal damage. The six members of the operating team were too skilled to have all been wrong about that.” Three police officers who had been present testified that “when Yitzhak Rabin was placed in the car, he showed no visible wounds.” Gordon Thomas in his book “Gideon’s Spies” adds: “The surgeons insisted there was no possible gunshot wound that would have allowed Rabin to leave the attack site showing no evidence of a wound and arrive at the hospital with multiple damage … subsequently the doctors have refused to discuss the matter.” Rabin’s motorcade took 22 minutes to arrive at the hospital, even though he had a highly experienced chauffeur, and the streets were cordoned off. The distance between the crime scene and the hospital is a five-minute walk. Police ballistics tests on shell casings found at the scene did not match Amir’s gun. No gunpowder residue was found on Amir’s hands, clothing, or hair. Gunpowder residue would inevitably have been present if Amir had shot genuine bullets, as opposed to blanks. No blood was seen coming from Rabin at the scene, despite wounds to his lung and spleen, nor was any found later at that location. By contrast witnesses describe blood “gushing” from a chest wound upon arriving at hospital. Some witnesses stated that someone shouted, “It’s nothing … they’re blanks. It’s a toy gun.” A Shin Bet (secret service) agent testified that “I heard a policeman shout to people to calm down. The shot is a blank.” Policeman Moshe Ephron stated: “The shots didn’t sound natural. If they were real shots, they should have sounded much louder.” Leah Rabin stated that a security guard told her immediately after the incident that the bullets shot at her husband were “blanks”. She further stated that she was told by an Israeli security chief that she “should not worry as the whole thing had been staged.” Amir, who was employed by the Shin Bet in Latvia about two years before the murder, commented at a court hearing, “If I were to tell the whole truth, the entire system would collapse. I know enough to destroy this country.” Nahum Shahaf, an Israeli physicist who went on to play a major role in the Muhammad al-Durrah affair, has asserted that he had photographic evidence that the wrong man was being held for the assassination. He blamed the assassination on a conspiracy headed by Shimon Peres, who took over from Rabin as Prime Minister and later became the President of Israel.
Pro-Government apologists defend the viewpoint that Amir killed Rabin based on the confession of Yigal Amir. This is based on the assumption that the government does not torture political prisoners into making false confessions. Based on the atrocious actions of the government in the Duma case where torture was used to force a Jew to take responsibility for a murder that was really the result of an internal Arab clan war, which I talked about elsewhere in this web site, this defense of the government can no longer be taken seriously.
After doing some searching I found a site that has the exact quote from Carmi Gilon on August 24 1995 about 2 months before the assassination where he describes someone who fits Amir’s description as a potential assassin of Rabin.
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